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October 15, 2011

Beyond the Alabama Law, It's the Looks

October 16, 2011.

By Dan Kowalski

Even if H.B. 56, Alabama's tough new immigration law, is struck down by the federal courts - an outcome made more likely by an interim ruling by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit - irreversible damage to the state's Latino population already may have been done.

Consider these comments in a recent news report (AP, Oct. 15, 2011) -

"Nelly Tadeo, a legal U.S. resident from Mexico, said she notices icy stares in Walmart and feels like whites and blacks are wondering if she is legal and pays taxes.  “Even if the law gets canceled, Alabama is not going to be the same. Now, people are just looking at you like, ‘You’re an illegal immigrant,’” said Tadeo. “I think that’s permanent. A lot of people never thought about who was illegal, who was legal before. Now that’s what they’re thinking about.”"

Alabama, devastated by the tornadoes in Tuscaloosa and elsewhere, needs every able-bodied worker to help rebuild.  But construction firm owners report that the fear generated by the Alabama law has driven away even fully documented workers.

The state's agricultural sector has been hit hard as well.  John McMillan, Alabama's Commissioner of Agriculture and Industries, reported crops rotting in the fields for lack of workers.  When farmers try to replace immigrant workers with locals, most of  the new hands leave the job by lunch. 

Many Latinos will stay in Alabama, due to family, school and business ties.  Some will suffer in silence, but on Wednesday, Oct. 12, 2011, many immigrant-owned businesses closed in boycott to protest the law and to illustrate the importance of Latinos to the state's economy.

Others will join the exodus, "refugees," if you will, not from the violence or poverty south of the border, but from the legal cold-shoulder H.B. 56 represents.  Immediately following the issuance of the Eleventh Circuit's order, Rep. Luis V. Gutierrez, (D-IL-4) posted a press release on his website offering a welcome to Chicago "as a suitable destination to anyone choosing to flee Alabama."

"I offer anyone in Alabama an alternative.  When Alabama was not a viable location for African-American families to raise their children back 40, 50 and 60 years ago, many came north to my city of Chicago as part of the Great Migration and revitalized and reinvented Chicago.  Already, as Hispanic families are seeing no future for themselves in Alabama regardless of their immigration status or even U.S. citizenship, we are seeing some follow the same trail from Alabama to Chicago.  We need all the good, hardworking, and conscientious people we can get in Chicago so Alabama's loss is our gain."

Is this the wave of the future, Latinos being driven from state to state, all being made to feel unwelcome due to the legal status of some?  Here's looking at you, Alabama.

January 15, 2011

Tragic Magic, Texas Style

Magic, or sleight-of-hand, is the art of misdirection.  The successful magician compels the audience to look one way, while working the trick off to one side, often in plain sight.  Such is the intent of Texas Gov. Rick Perry, demanding we focus on the non-problem of "sanctuary cities," pulling our attention away from the budget crater into which Texas is poised to fall.

Like "anchor babies," the term "sanctuary cities" is the kind of phrase you can't really put your finger on, other than to say it has something to do with immigration and must be bad.  When pressed, Perry was unable to define it, other than to make a Zen-like reference to ill-fitting shoes.

The "sanctuary" part comes from the Sanctuary Movement of the 1980s, in which churches gave shelter to asylum seekers fleeing the wars in Central America. The churches found scriptural authority for the practice in ancient Greek and Roman texts, and in the Old Testament. The feds, unimpressed by scripture and instead using federal criminal law, sent several movement activists to the pen for "harboring."

As the Central American wars wound down, the Sanctuary Movement cooled as well, but the notion of a type of safe haven for immigrants took hold, and a few cities enacted policies designed to keep local police focused on enforcing local criminal laws, not federal immigration law.  Many local police chiefs supported the idea, hoping crime victims and witnesses would feel free to rely on the police no matter what their immigration status.  A typical example of such a policy is the L.A.P.D.'s "Special Order 40" (actually dating back to 1979), under which "officers shall not initiate police action with the objective of discovering the alien status of a person."

While many cities still have such policies in force, some (including L.A.'s Special Order 40) are under political and legal attack, as more localities try to fill the "enforcement gap" caused by the feds' failure to enforce existing law, and Congress' failure to enact comprehensive reform.  These local efforts are meeting stiff legal resistance: so far most courts say the field of immigration is "preempted" by federal law.

At the same time, some states and cities have partnered with ICE in specific "287(g)" programs, named after the federal statute enabling the feds to train state and local cops in how to enforce some federal immigration laws. (A recent excursion on Long Island suggests more training may be in order, at least on the ICE side.)  Recall that in a hearing of the House Homeland Security Committee, former DHS Secretary Michael Chertoff, said, "I'm not aware of any city, although I may be wrong, that actually interferes with our ability to enforce the law."

During the 2010 Texas gubernatorial campaign, the GOP targeted the Democratic candidate, former Houston mayor Bill White, for making Houston a "sanctuary city."  PolitiFact Texas rated the charge "False."

In 2008 Texas legislators asked the state's attorney general, Greg Abbott, for his opinion on the state legislature's power to block Texas cities from becoming "sanctuary cities."  Abbott responded in 2009, saying the answer to the question depends on federal preemption law, a question now before the U.S. Supreme Court in the U.S. Chamber of Commerce v. Whiting case.

The tragedy of Rick Perry's magic trick is Texas' "downward spiral" in quality of life and economic competitiveness.  Gov. Perry and the incoming state legislators seem unwilling or unable to come to grips with the link between economic growth and public dollars spent on public education.  Let's hope the house lights come on before the curtain comes down.

November 05, 2010

Open Letter to Alan Bersin

[Alan Bersin is the Commissioner of U.S. Customs and Border Protection ("CBP,") a component of the Deparment of Homeland Security.]

Dear Commissioner Bersin:

In my 25+ years of practice as an immigration lawyer I've seen hundreds of tragedies and horror stories.  I won't bore you with those.  This is not a "heartstrings" letter.  This is a letter about training, common sense...and poker.

A few days ago a group of your line officers at the U.S.-Canadian border barred a champion professional Canadian poker player from entry, even though he'd been to the U.S. many times before and has a "clean slate."  The reason?  Section 214(b) of the Immigration & Nationality Act.  Or, put another way, your officers' misunderstanding and misapplication of 214(b).

Section 214(b) says: "Every alien ... shall be presumed to be an immigrant until he establishes to the satisfaction of the ... immigration officers, at the time of application for admission, that he is entitled to a nonimmigrant status."  In plain English, before you can enter the country as a tourist, or student, or poker player, you have to prove you aren't coming to the U.S. to stay.

The Canadian pro in question, Terrence Chan (a.k.a. "Unassigned,") made two trips to the border, even showing your officers documents such as property deeds and utility bills to prove he lives abroad and has no intention of taking up residence in the U.S.

Not good enough.  Chan is barred.  And who's the loser?  Not Chan.  As he explains on his blog:

"Could I try one more time, get all six months of documentation they want, hell, hire an immigration lawyer?  Yeah, I could do those things. I could continue to jump through their hoops. But I have no assurances the hoops will not just be higher and farther back every time, and I have no desire to spend five hours at the border just to find out.  I am a law-abiding, honest, wealthy and mobile Canadian who wanted to come for two months, rent a property, buy groceries, pay fees to a school, spend money on entertainment, and leave. For this, I get treated like a criminal. Well, no more. I'm done with the United States."  [Emphasis mine.]

This is an embarrassment.  Your border guards make us Americans look like fools, or worse.  Now, I don't expect all your CBP agents to have your education - Harvard, Oxford, Yale Law - but a little training, please, to separate the wheat from the chaff, the terrorists from the tourists, and the champs from the chumps.  Just a little more training for your border guards.  That's all I ask.

Sincerely,

Dan Kowalski

Continue reading "Open Letter to Alan Bersin" »

November 03, 2010

Birthright Citizenship Under Threat - Again

How soon we forget.  Or maybe we just weren't paying attention from the beginning.  For many it seems the current obsession with "anchor babies" and birthright citizenship came out of nowhere.  But this report by researcher Scott Keyes reminds us that "Republicans have been pushing this idea for nearly two decades, introducing 28 separate bills to eliminate birthright citizenship since 1995."

Most recently, what started out as isolated rumblings has morphed into a unified movement spanning several states.  A key player in the movement is none other than law professor Kris Kobach, a candidate for the office of Kansas Secretary of State.  Kobach is an architect of Arizona's SB 1070 and has litigated other anti-immigrant cases around the country.

The issue is simple: the 14th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution states, "All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States."  That amendment was added to the Constitution in 1866 not to add something new, but to restore something old that had been torn from our legal fabric by the "Dred Scott" Supreme Court decision of 1857.

Noted constitutional scholar (and conservative Republican) James C. Ho explains it very simply: "The Citizenship Clause was no legal innovation. It simply restored the longstanding English common law doctrine of jus soli, or citizenship by place of birth. Although the doctrine was initially embraced in early American jurisprudence, the U.S. Supreme Court abrogated jus soli in its infamous Dred Scott decision, denying birthright citizenship to the descendents of slaves.

Congress approved the Citizenship Clause to overrule Dred Scott and elevate jus soli to the status of constitutional law."  (Ho's 2006 article, "Defining American: Birthright Citizenship and the Original Understanding of the 14th Amendment," is a key piece of the puzzle, easily accessible by non-lawyers.)

Critics of birthright citizenship make the claim - ridiculous on its face, if one thinks about it for more than two seconds - that unauthorized immigrants are not "subject to the jurisdiction" of the federal government, and, therefore, their U.S.-born children are lumped in with the U.S.-born children of foreign diplomats and enemy soldiers.

This nonsensical assertion flies in the face of common sense and everyday practice: if unauthorized immigrants are not "subject to the jurisdiction" of the federal government, then by what authority does the federal government arrest and deport them?

Margaret Stock and others convincingly demonstrate that abolition of birthright citizenship would require the creation of a huge new federal "birth police" bureaucracy to adjudicate the lineage of every newborn, and would create an underclass of stateless children.

Is that what advocates of "limited government" really want?

Now that Republicans have made solid gains in the House, we can expect more hearings on birthright citizenship. Let's hope the committee members first read these background materials prepared by the Immigration Policy Center.  Maybe they'll take their "limited government" mantra to heart, cancel the hearings, and leave the 14th Amendment alone.

September 12, 2010

Lessons From Hazleton: A "Fundamental Misconception"

In 2006 the city of Hazleton, in northeastern Pennsylvania (pop. approx. 25,000,) enacted a series of local ordinances aimed at unauthorized aliens living and working in Hazleton.  "Hazleton’s mayor, as well as other local officials ... concluded that aliens lacking lawful status were to blame for certain social problems in the City ... and that the federal government could not be relied upon to prevent such aliens from moving into the City, or to remove them... . Accordingly, City officials decided to take independent action to regulate the local effects of unlawful immigration."  (Lozano v. Hazleton, p. 12.)

This was not an isolated effort.  The National Conference of State Legislatures (NCSL) reported that in 2009 over 200 state laws relating to immigration were enacted, and over 300 such laws and resolutions were enacted in the first half of 2010.

The Hazleton ordinances were designed to prevent unauthorized aliens from obtaining employment or rental housing.  Individuals and groups sued the city, alleging the ordinances are unconstitutional and violate federal and state statutes.

In 2007 the federal district court ruled that the ordinances were indeed unconstitutional because they are preempted by controlling federal immigration laws.  Hazleton appealed to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit.

On September 9, 2010 the Third Circuit issued its 188-page decision, upholding the district court's finding of unconstitutionality, though on somewhat different reasoning.  The plaintiffs' advocates were pleased: "This is a major defeat for the misguided, divisive and expensive anti-immigrant strategy that Hazleton has tried to export to the rest of the country," said Omar Jadwat, a staff attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union Immigrants' Rights Project. "The Constitution does not allow states and cities to interfere with federal immigration laws or to adopt measures that discriminate against Latino and immigrant communities."  The defendants' advocates were subdued: "Kris Kobach, a law professor who represents ... Hazleton ... told The Associated Press that Hazleton's ruling was on the 'extreme end of the spectrum when it comes to these issues.'" Hazleton's mayor, Lou Barletta, vowed to take the case up to the U.S. Supreme Court.

Beyond the constitutional issues of interest to lawyers and legislators, what lessons can the general public draw from the Third Circuit's opinion?  There are two main points that should be emphasized.

First, and most importantly, the Court discussed a "fundamental misconception" at the heart of the Hazleton ordinances: "Hazleton goes to great lengths to defend its housing provisions as providing for an accurate assessment of tenants’ immigration status, and only denying housing to those whom the federal government confirms are here unlawfully. Even assuming Hazleton is correct, this argument does not advance Hazleton’s cause; rather, it highlights the fundamental misconception at the heart of these ordinances. Through its housing provisions, Hazleton attempts to remove persons from the community based on current immigration status. However, as Justice Blackmun explained in Plyler: “the structure of the immigration statutes makes it impossible for the State to determine which aliens are entitled to residence, and which eventually will be deported.” 457 U.S. at 236 (Blackmun, J., concurring). ...Stitched into the fabric of Hazleton’s housing provisions, then, is either a lack of understanding or a refusal to recognize the complexities of federal immigration law. Hazleton would effectively remove from its City an alien college student the federal government has purposefully declined to initiate removal proceedings against.38 So too would Hazleton remove an alien battered spouse, currently unlawfully present, but eligible for adjustment of status to lawful permanent resident under the special protections Congress has afforded to battered spouses and children. See 8 U.S.C. § 1229b(b)(2). In each of these instances, as in every single instance in which Hazleton would deny residence to an alien based on immigration status rather than on a federal order of removal, Hazleton would act directly in opposition to federal law."  (Lozano at 138-140.)

Second, the Court addressed the issue of language: "Hazleton refers to persons who are not lawfully present within the United States as “illegal aliens.” Plaintiffs refer to them as “undocumented immigrants.” We recognize that there are significant criticisms of each term. See, e.g., Beth Lyon, When More “Security” Equals Less Workplace Safety: Reconsidering U.S. Laws that Disadvantage Unauthorized Workers, 6 U. Pa. J. Lab. & Empl. L. 571, 576 (2004) (“Scholarly and popular concerns about the phrase ‘illegal alien’ abound, pointing out that the phrase is racially loaded, ambiguous, imprecise, and pejorative.”); Martinez v. Regents of the Univ. of Cal., 83 Cal. Rptr. 3d 518, 522 n.2 (Cal. Ct. App. 2008) (“[T]he term ‘illegal alien’ [is] less ambiguous [than the term ‘undocumented immigrant.’]”), rev. granted, 198 P.3d 1 (Cal. 2008). Federal immigration law defines an “alien” as “any person not a citizen or national of the United States.” 8 U.S.C. § 1101(a)(3). “Immigrant” is defined as “every alien except an alien who is within [certain specified] classes of nonimmigrant aliens,” and generally refers only to lawful permanent residents. 8 U.S.C. § 1101(a)(15). Congress has preferred the term “alien” to describe those persons who lack lawful immigration status, see, e.g., 8 U.S.C. §§ 1182, 1227, 1228. We will use the word “alien” rather than “immigrant” because “alien” is more precise, and precision is important to discussions in this area. When discussing issues of employment, we will use the official term: “unauthorized alien.” 8 U.S.C. § 1324a. However, when discussing issues of immigration status, we will use either: “aliens not lawfully present” or “aliens lacking lawful immigration status,” rather than “illegal aliens.”"  (Lozano at 11-12.)

In sum, the Court said that immigration law is federal law rather than state or local law, that an alien's immigration status can change, and that aliens should not be stigmatized by labels, regardless of immigration status.

In coming U.S. Supreme Court terms, as this and other state cases make their way up the appellate chain, the federal preemption issue will remain uppermost in the minds of the lawyers.  All of us, though, as voters and as civic participants, should keep in mind the other, broader lessons of Hazleton.  And in the end, we must also keep in mind the hard economic realities driving migration, laws or no laws. As noted by veteran border watcher Charles Bowden, "The only way you’ll stop Mexicans coming to the U.S. is if you lower American wages to the same level as Vietnam. ... What we’re seeing is something right out of the Bible. This is an exodus."